The theme of all of the scary movies of the Fifties [of the last Millennium, that is] is of a hidden, lethal danger that has been unleashed. Nuclear Power, don’t you know; about which there has been so little public-policy discussion.
It isn’t just us peaceniks who are raising questions about the Obama administration’s “modernization” plan. The growing list of opponents includes:
- Andrew C. Weber, former assistant secretary of defense.
- Philip E. Coyle III, former chief of nuclear weapons testing at the Pentagon.
- Steve Fetter, former assistant director at-large of the Office of Science and Technology Policy.
- William J. Perry, former defense secretary during the Clinton administration.
President Obama campaigned on a platform of reducing – and eventually ending – US dependence on nuclear arms as the linchpin of US defense policy. Yet what we have gotten is merely a quantitative reduction, with an accompanying qualitative ramping up of our nuclear strike force in terms of its sheer deadliness – and the likelihood of it being used.
The cost of the “modernization” program – which is even now racing through Congress with almost no opposition – is measured in the trillions of dollars. And the fact is that we don’t need this nuclear “triad” – a throwback to the dawn of the nuclear age, when intra-bureaucratic infighting between the three branches of the military resulted in nukes for all. Intercontinental ballistic missiles are a relic of the cold war era: a commission headed by Gen. Cartwright recommended scrapping them entirely. Bill Perry concurs. “We’re on the brink of a new arms race,” says Perry.
In short, the world is rapidly becoming a much more dangerous place. And it’s not because of ISIS, or the “terrorist threat” – it’s due to our policy of global intervention, which requires a “forward stance” that includes rattling the nuclear saber.
One can respond to the author of this survey, Justin Raimondo of Antiwar.com: The Military-Industrial Complex is at work, so what else is new.
Missing the opportunity offered to reduce to zero the nuclear armaments of the Non-Prolferation-Treaty nations of the world would be irrational, unless a new arms race serves certain purposes.